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July 30 [Mon], 2012, 10:40
If I were David Cameron I would stop now. It cannot get much better. The polls are up. The Telegraph and the Mail love him. He seems immune to bad news on the economy. At the Christian Louboutin Outlet end of his first year of office he has emerged as an adept political operator with a talent for luck. For all the dud trees in his coalition – two more sprouted this week on police and universities – the overall wood remains intact. How come?Minority governments, which is what Britain really has now, are normally a disaster. They are timid and obsessed with Commons arithmetic, watching to see whether and how they can survive another day. In May of last year, Cameron produced a masterful locking device, not so much a coalition as a political detention centre for Liberal Democrats. He needed them badly, but never showed it. Without them he might have stumbled on for a few months and called another election, like Harold Wilson in 1974 – but given the economic emergency that would have been reckless. Instead he turned the office-hungry Lib Dems into Christian Louboutin Salsbourg 120mm fall guys, forming them into a buffer zone against Labour and a bulwark against his own rightwing. The marvel of Ken Clarke at the justice department would be inconceivable without the coalition.The current difficulties of the Lib Dem leader Nick Clegg were predictable, inevitable but unimportant. From the moment in 2010 that parliament was "hung", he had few options and soon had none. He has not put a foot wrong, but footwork is immaterial when you are wearing concrete shoes. Lib Dems have always thought a hung parliament would be their day of glory, which shows what fools they are. They get one day of glory and a parliament of slavery. Cameron's deal with Clegg was like an ayatollah Christian Louboutin Guerriere 120 Suede Ankle Boots promising his warriors a thousand virgins when they die.That said, Cameron could not have taken any of this for granted. A suicide instinct runs through centrist politics, and he had to offer Clegg and his colleagues not just jobs but a meaningless five-year security contract and "policy concessions" more apparent than real. The one on alternative voting blew up in their faces last week. Coalition governments remain accountable not to the electorate but to the Commons. Cameron has to guard his majority there, and that is by no means assured. That it has lasted a year is impressive. That it should last more than two is not impossible, but remains unlikely.Cameron's leadership style is beloved of cartoonists. While the Little Lord Fauntleroy caricature is a little tired, that of the Christian Louboutin Yolanda Spikes Specchiolaminato smooth, tail-coated toff has more bite. The British have never minded the ruling class doing what it says on the packet, provided some deference is shown to the bourgeoisie. Cameron has been adept at that. Public school charm, even with a touch of caddishness, as deployed by Cameron and Tony Blair, may be scorned by the Westminster club, with its distaste for charisma and celebrity. But when combined with humour and a self-deprecating confidence, it can carry a leader over the bumps and potholes of politics, where such men as John Major and Gordon Brown stumble and fall.In Cameron's case these qualities are combined with a close-knit team of old friends with whom he has an instinctive working relationship. When the heart of British government falls back on formal structure it cracks and warps, as it did under Blair and Brown and at the end of the Thatcher era. While Cameron has been tough with such errant ministers as Caroline Spelman, Andrew Lansley and David Willetts, his loyalty to his inner circle is fierce. It is hard to imagine a catastrophe that could part him from his chancellor, George Osborne.Nor is that all. When the new cabinet had every excuse to do little but wrestle with the economy and hang on, Cameron behaved like a prime minister with a full majority and a full agenda. The range and depth of his programme has been breathtaking, beyond that of Clement Attlee, Thatcher or Blair in their first years, and comparable only with Asquith and Lloyd George in 1906. Financial emergency has been used not to avoid public sector reform but to cloak it. Every corner of the welfare state has been slated for an overdue spring clean

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